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Violent, watered-down version of The Iliad. R minutes. Rate movie. Watch or buy. Based on 23 reviews. Based on 40 reviews. Get it now Searching for streaming and purchasing options Common Sense is a nonprofit organization.

Your purchase helps us remain independent and ad-free. Get it now on Searching for streaming and purchasing options X of Y Official trailer.

A lot or a little? The parents' guide to what's in this movie. Positive Messages. Not a lot of positive role models. Sexual references and situations including threesome, reference to rape, nudity.

Characters drink wine. What parents need to know Parents need to know the movie has almost-constant battle violence with graphic and brutal injuries.

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By using our website you agree to our use of cookies in accordance with our Privacy Policy. The house attracted a stream of distinguished visitors, each with a theory about the location of Troy.

Frederick, however, was not there for the opening of the house. After a fall from a horse in , complications forced him to seek medical care in London for 18 months, [39] the first of a series of disasters.

He was back by The Crimean War began in October and lasted through February Russia had arbitrarily occupied the Danube frontier of the Ottoman Empire including the Crimea , and Britain and France were providing military assistance to the Ottomans.

The rear of the conflict was Istanbul and the Dardanelles. Britain relied heavily on the Levantine families for interfacing, intelligence, and guidance.

Edmund Calvert was a British agent, but this was not Frederick's calling. Not long after his return the initial British expeditionary force of 10, men was held up in ships in the straits, with no place to bivouac, no supplies, and a commissariat of four non-Turkish speakers.

The British Army had reached a low point of efficiency since Wellington. A Supply Corps as such did not exist.

The immediate needs of the soldiers were supplied by the Commissariat Department , responsible to the Treasury. They had no idea beforehand what the army needed, or what it had, or where it was located.

All the needs were given to contractors, who usually required money in advance. They were allowed to borrow from recommended banks. The Commissariat then paid the banks, but should it fail to do so, the debts were still incumbent on the debtors.

Contractors were allowed to charge a percentage for their services, and also to include a percentage given to their suppliers as enticement.

The Commissariat could thus build entire impromptu supply departments on the basis of immediate need, which is what Frederick did for them.

The logistics problems were of the same type customarily undertaken by the consular staff, but of larger scale.

Frederick was able to perform critical services for the army. Within several days he had all the men billeted ashore and had developed an organization of local suppliers on short notice.

He secured their immediate attention by offering higher interest rates, to which the Commissary did not then object.

He was so successful that he was given the problem of transporting men and supplies to the front. He also advised the Medical Department in their choice of a site near Erenköy for a military hospital, named Renkioi Hospital.

The army, arriving at Gallipoli in April, , did well at first, thanks to the efforts of Frederick Calvert and his peers. Frederick was waiting for the fleet in Gallipoli.

The Commissary seemed to have no understanding of military schedules. Needed supplies were not getting to their destinations for a number of reasons: perishables were spoiled through delay, cargos were lost or abandoned because there was no tracking system, or cut because a commissary speculated that they should be, etc.

Frederick attempted to carry on by using his own resources in the expectation of collecting the money later by due process. By the end of the war his bill to the Commissary would be several thousand pounds.

He had had to mortgage family properties in the Troad. He was divested of his colonial duties, leaving him as Secretary of State for War, [48] but the Commissary was still not in his domain.

In August, Frederick purchased the winter feed for the animals and left it on the dock at Salonica. Filder had adopted a policy of purchasing hay from London and having it pressed for land transport, even though chopped hay was readily available at a much cheaper price around the Dardanelles.

By the time they were ready for the hay, most of it had spoiled, so they did not accept any of it. The winter was especially severe.

The animals starved, and without transport, so did the men, trying to make do without food, clothing, shelter or medical supplies.

A scandal ensued; Prince Albert wrote to the Prime Minister. The folly of an army dying because not allowed to help itself while its Commissariat was not efficient enough to move even the minimum of supplies became manifest to the whole nation.

In December Parliament placed the Commissariat under the army and opened an investigation. The army found that it could not after all dispense with the Treasury or its system of payment.

The first investigation went before Parliament in April, Anticipating this result, the new government started a secret investigation of its own under J.

McNeill , a civilian physician, and a milItary officer, Colonel A. Tulloch , which it outed in April after the acquittal.

The new investigation lasted until January, , and had nothing favorable to say. Losses higher than any battle could produce, and higher than those of any of the allies, were not to be dismissed as accidental.

He had plenty of alternatives, Tulloch asserted, which he might have been expected to take. Chopped hay and cattle were readily and cheaply available in the Constantinople region.

Filder had some cattle transports at his command in October. Once the supplies had been transported to the Crimea, they could have been carried inland by the troops themselves.

Filder was retired by the medical board because of age and sent home. Meanwhile the Commissary had introduced the word "profiteering" in a effort to cast the blame from itself.

The decisions had been made by greedy contractors charging high interest rates, who had introduced delays to push the price up.

John William Smith recanted what he had said about Frederick, now claiming that Frederick had put private interests before the public, without clarifying what he meant.

The insinuation was enough to brand him as a profiteer. The entire Commissariat took it up as a theme, the banks refusing to honor contractor claims.

Restrictions on loans tightened; cash flow problems developed. The inflated economy of the Troad began to collapse.

The report was released in January. By then most contractors were in bankruptcy. British troops went home at the end of the war in February, having turned the Turkish merchants in the Troad against the English.

The cost of living remained high. Frederick was no longer trusted as a consular agent and had trouble finding work. His friend, John Brunton, head of the military hospital near Erenköy, was ordered to dismantle and sell the facility.

He suggested that Brunton sell the medical supplies to him as surplus at a discount, so that he could recoup some of his estate by reselling them.

Turning on him, as Smith had done, Brunton denounced him publicly. Due to difficulty in proving their case, it went on for months, being finally transferred to London, [61] where Frederick joined it in February, In he served a prison term of ten weeks on one debt.

Subsequently the Foreign Office stepped in to manage his appeal. The military had not understood how the interest system worked.

He won his case before Parliament, with commendation and thanks, and payment of the several thousand plus backpay and interest, arriving home 2.

The perpetrators of the fraud, originally the witnesses of the fire, named Frederick as their ringleader. The trial was not a proper one, and Frederick was convicted on technicalities.

He protested that he was the victim of an Ottoman frame-up, and was supported in that plea by his brother, Frank. There were a number of circumstances that remain historically unexplained.

Modern historians who think he was guilty characterize him as a charismatic profiteer of shady ethics, while those who think he was innocent point to his patriotic motives in helping the British Army to the detriment of his own estate and his acquittal by Parliament.

Having returned from London in October, , with enough money to restore the family estate, Frederick now turned his attention to the family avocation, archaeology, rejecting a lucrative job offer as a Consul in Syria.

By this time he was also a skilled and respected archaeologist. He spent all of his spare time investigating and excavating the numerous habitation and burial sites of the Troad.

He was an invaluable consultant to specialists in many areas from plants to coins. Frederick joined him in this life by choice.

In Frederick married Eveline, an heiress of the wealthy Abbotts, owners of some mines in Turkey.

They had at least five known children. Frederick set him up in a few different businesses, the last being Abbott Brothers, dealers in firewood.

His son, however, William George Abbott, a junior partner of Frederick in the consular business, remained in the Dardanelles to handle business there as acting consul.

He claimed to be a broker marketing the oil produced by certain pashas and now wished to sell it in Britain.

Frederick requested William in London to borrow money as Abbot Brothers to finance the premiums. It isn't clear whether Abbott was to sell it, and if so, in whose name.

The cargo, being insured by him, was consigned to him. Frederick was to have inspected it before issuing the clearance, but he did not.

When it had not arrived months later the creditors for the premiums requested their money. Frederick submitted a claim through Abbott for a total loss.

He suggested Greek pirates and collaboration of the crew as causes, implicating Hussein Aga, who had not been seen since then. Frederick forwarded to Abbott in London four affidavits from British consular agents on Tenedos and Samos of visual sightings of the ship.

Conspicuously absent were any Turkish documents that should have been examined before permission to sail was granted. Simultaneously Frederick, conducting his own investigation, reached a similar conclusion.

He had been duped by a person pretending to be a fictional Hussein Aga. The witnesses produced a confession, naming Frederick as mastermind of the scheme.

The Salvage Association turned the matter over to the Foreign Office. Tolmides, consular agent at Tenedos, admitted to signing the affidavits.

His defense was that he had given Frederick blank signed forms. The Foreign Office issued a public statement questioning Frederick's credibility.

He requested permission to leave his post to travel to London to defend himself. Permission was denied. On April 30 he issued a statement that he had been set up and was being framed by an unknown agent, for whom he was conducting an unsuccessful search at Smyrna.

He found some support in the British ambassador, Henry Bulwer, 1st Baron Dalling and Bulwer , a liberal and a freemason , who accepted him as credible, and noted the hostility of Turkish officialdom against him.

However, unless Frederick could produce some evidence of the conspiracy, he affirmed, he would officially have to side with the insurance company.

The matter became international. The Ottoman Porte compalined. The Prince of Wales scheduled a visit.

Fredrick was going to be brought before a consular court, an agency with a reputation for corruption; in particular, bribability.

Due to the publicity skills of Heinrich Schliemann and the public discreditation of Frederick as a convicted felon, the contributions mainly of Frank to the excavation of Troy remained unknown and unappreciated until the end of the 20th century, when the Calverts became an object of special study.

A number of misunderstandings still cling to them. One is that Schliemann discovered Troy on land he had the foresight to purchase from the Calverts.

To the contrary, it was Frank who convinced Frederick to purchase Hissarlik as the probable site of Troy, and Frank who convinced Schliemann that it was there, and to partner with him in its excavation.

Frank was often a sharp critic. Frank is sometimes called "self-taught. He did not attend university, but there would have been no point, as archaeology was not yet taught there.

Frank was the first modern 19th century to excavate in the Troad. In , Frank Calvert , the brother of the United States' consular agent in the region, made extensive surveys and published in scholarly journals his identification of the hill of New Ilium which was on farmland owned by his family on the same site.

The British diplomat, considered a pioneer for the contributions he made to the archaeology of Troy, spent more than 60 years in the Troad modern day Biga peninsula, Turkey conducting field work.

In , German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann visited Calvert and secured permission to excavate Hisarlik. He sincerely believed that the literary events of the works of Homer could be verified archaeologically.

A divorced man in his 40s who had acquired some wealth as a merchant in Russia, he decided to use the wealth to follow his boyhood interest in finding and verifying the city of Troy.

Leaving his former life behind, he advertised for a wife whose skills and interest were on a par with his own, Sophia.

She was 17 at the time but together they excavated Troy, sparing no expense. Heinrich began by excavating a trench across the mound of Hisarlik to the depth of the settlements, today called "Schliemann's Trench.

He declared one of these cities—at first Troy I, later Troy II—to be the city of Troy, and this identification was widely accepted at that time.

Subsequent archaeologists at the site were to revise the date upward; nevertheless, the main identification of Troy as the city of the Iliad , and the scheme of the layers, have been kept.

Some of Schliemann's portable finds at Hisarlik have become known as Priam's Treasure , such as the jewelry photographed displayed on Sophia.

The artifacts were acquired from him by the Berlin museums. As Sophia matured she became an invaluable assistant to Schliemann, whom he employed especially in social situations requiring the use of modern Greek.

After his death she became caretaker of his funds and publications, continuing to advocate for his beliefs. She was a respected socialite in Athens.

Wilhelm Dörpfeld —94 joined the excavation at the request of Schliemann. After Schliemann left, he inherited the management of it. His chief contribution was the detailing of Troy VI.

He published his findings separately. Carl Blegen , professor at the University of Cincinnati, managed the site — These archaeologists, though following Schliemann's lead, added a professional approach not available to Schliemann.

He showed that there were at least nine cities. In his research, Blegen came to a conclusion that Troy's nine levels could be further divided into forty-six sublevels, [69] which he published in his main report.

Possible evidence of a battle was found in the form of bronze arrowheads and fire-damaged human remains buried in layers dated to the early 12th century BC.

The question of Troy's status in the Bronze-Age world has been the subject of a sometimes acerbic debate between Korfmann and the Tübingen historian Frank Kolb in — Korfmann proposed that the location of the city close to the Dardanelles indicated a commercially oriented city that would have been at the center of a vibrant trade between the Black Sea, Aegean, Anatolian and Eastern Mediterranean regions.

Kolb disputed this thesis, calling it "unfounded" in a paper. He argues that archaeological evidence shows that economic trade during the Late Bronze Age was quite limited in the Aegean region compared with later periods in antiquity.

On the other hand, the Eastern Mediterranean economy was more active during this time, allowing for commercial cities to develop only in the Levant.

Kolb also noted the lack of evidence for trade with the Hittite Empire. In August , following a magnetic imaging survey of the fields below the fort, a deep ditch was located and excavated among the ruins of a later Greek and Roman city.

Remains found in the ditch were dated to the late Bronze Age, the alleged time of Homeric Troy. Among these remains are arrowheads and charred remains.

In the olive groves surrounding the citadel, there are portions of land that were difficult to plow, suggesting that there are undiscovered portions of the city lying there.

Helmut Becker utilized magnetometry in the area surrounding Hisarlik. He was conducting an excavation in to locate outer walls of the ancient city.

Becker used a caesium magnetometer. In his and his team's search, they discovered a "'burnt mudbrick wall' about metres south of the Troy VI fortress wall.

This discovery of an outer wall away from the tell proves that Troy could have housed many more inhabitants than Schliemann originally thought.

In summer , the excavations continued under the direction of Korfmann's colleague Ernst Pernicka, with a new digging permit.

In , an international team made up of cross-disciplinary experts led by William Aylward, an archaeologist at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, was to carry out new excavations.

This will be the first Turkish team to excavate and is planned as a month excavation led by associate professor Rüstem Aslan. In a Term Development Revision Plan was applied to the park.

Its intent was to develop the park into a major tourist site. These latter were concentrated in the village of Tevfikiye, which shares Troy Ridge with Troy.

Public access to the ancient site is along the road from the vicinity of the museum in Tevfikiye to the east side of Hisarlik.

Some parking is available. Typically visitors come by bus, which disembarks its passengers into a large plaza ornamented with flowers and trees and some objects from the excavation.

In its square is a large wooden horse monument, with a ladder and internal chambers for use of the public. Bordering the square is the gate to the site.

The public passes through turnstiles. Admission is usually not free. Within the site, the visitors tour the features on dirt roads or for access to more precipitous features on railed boardwalks.

There are many overlooks with multilingual boards explaining the feature. Most are outdoors, but a permanent canopy covers the site of an early megaron and wall.

This means that it must be historically, culturally, or scientifically significant to all peoples of the world in some manner. According to the UNESCO site on Troy, its historical significance was gained because the site displays some of the "first contact between Anatolia and the Mediterranean world".

Many of the structures dating to the Bronze Age and the Roman and Greek periods are still standing at Hisarlik. These give archeological significance to the site as well.

A design contest for the architecture had been won by Yalin Mimarlik in The cube-shaped building with extensive underground galleries holds more than 40, portable artifacts, of which are on display.

Artifacts were moved here from a few other former museums in the region. The range is the entire prehistoric Troad. Displays are multi-lingual.

In many cases the original contexts are reproduced. Some of the most notable artifacts uncovered at Hisarlik are known as Priam's Treasure.

Most of these pieces were crafted from gold and other precious metals. Heinrich Schliemann put this assemblage together from his first excavation site, which he thought to be the remains of Homeric Troy.

He gave them this name after King Priam, who is said in the ancient literature to have ruled during the Trojan War. Literary Troy was characterized by high walls and towers, summarized by the epithet "lofty Ilium.

Schliemann's Troy fits this qualification very well. High walls and towers are in evidence at every hand. Hisarlik, the name of the hill on which Troy is situated, is Turkish for "the fortress.

The walls of Troy, first erected in the Bronze Age between at least and BC, were its main defense, as is true of almost any ancient city of urban size.

Whether Troy Zero featured walls is not yet known. Some of the known walls were placed on virgin soil see the archaeology section below. The early date of the walls suggests that defense was important and warfare was a looming possibility right from the beginning.

The walls surround the citadel, extending for several hundred meters, and at the time they were built were over 17 feet 5. The second run of excavations, under Korfmann, revealed that the walls of the first run were not the entire suite of walls for the city, and only partially represent the citadel.

It was protected by a ditch surmounted by a wall of mud brick and wood. The stone part of the walls currently in evidence were " The present-day walls of Troy, then, portray little of the ancient city's appearance, any more than bare foundations characterize a building.

What Schliemann actually found as he excavated the hill of Hisarlik somewhat haphazardly were contexts in the soil parallel to the contexts of geologic layers in rock.

Exposed rock displays layers of a similar composition and fossil content within a layer discontinuous with other layers above and below it. The layer represents an accumulation of detritus over a continuous time, different from the times of the other layers.

Similarly Schliemann found layers of distinctive soil each containing more or less distinctive artifacts differing often markedly from other layers.

He had no ready explanation for the discontinuity between layers, such as "destruction," although this interpretation has sometimes been applied.

Presumably "destruction" is to be interpreted to mean some sort of malicious event perpetrated by humans or a natural disaster, such as an earthquake.

In most cases no such disaster can be proved. On the contrary, the "many layers illustrate the gradual development of civilization in northwestern Asia Minor.

The discontinuities of culture in different layers might be explained in a number of ways. A settlement might have been abandoned for peaceful reasons, or it might have undergone a renovation phase.

These are hypotheses that must be ruled in or ruled out by evidence, or simply be left unruled until evidence should be discovered.

What Schliemann found is that the area now called "the citadel" or "the upper city" was apparently placed on virgin soil. It was protected by fortifications right from the start.

The layering effect was caused in part by the placement of new fortifications and new houses over the old. Schliemann called these fortified enclosures "cities" rightly or wrongly.

In his mind the site was composed of successive cities. Like everyone else, he speculated whether a new city represented a different population, and what its relationship to the old was.

He numbered the cities I, II, etc. Subsequent archaeologists turned the "cities" into layers rightly or wrongly , named according to the new archaeological naming conventions then being developed.

Until the late 20th century, these layers represented only the layers on the hill of Hisarlik. Archaeologists following Schliemann picked up the trail of his researches adopting the same fundamental assumptions, culminating in the work and writings of Carl Blegen in the midth century.

In a definitive work, Troy and the Trojans , he summarized the layers names and the dates he had adopted for them.

There were, however, some persistent criticisms not answered to general satisfaction. Hisarlik, about the size of a football field, was not large enough to have been the mighty city of history.

It was also far inland, yet the general historical tradition suggested it must have been close to the sea. The issues finally devolved on the necessity for further excavation, which was undertaken by Korfmann starting He concentrated on the Roman city, which was not suspected as being over Bronze Age remains.

A Bronze Age city, at low elevations, was discovered beneath it. As it is unlikely that there were two Troys side by side, the lower city must have been the main seat of residence, to which the upper city served as citadel.

Korfman now referred to the layers of the lower city as associated with the layers of the citadel. The same layering scheme was applicable.

The lower city was many times the size of the citadel, answering the size objection. Meanwhile independent geoarchaeological research conducted by taking ground cores over a wide area of the Troad were demonstrating that, in the time of Troy I, " Troy was founded as an apparently maritime city on the shore of this inlet, which persisted throughout the early layers and was present to a lesser degree, farther away, subsequently.

The harbor at Troy, however, was always small, shallow, and partially blocked by wetlands. It was never a "great harbor" able to collect maritime traffic through the Dardanelles.

Trench flooding has slowed investigation of the lower levels in the lower city. The whole course of archaeological investigation at Troy has resulted in no single chronological table of layers.

Moreover, due to limitations on the accuracy of C 14 dating, the tables remain relative; i. In regions of the Earth where both history and C 14 dating are available, there is often a gap between them, termed by Renfrew a chronological or archaeological "fault line.

The table below concentrates on two systems of dates: Blegen's from Troy and the Trojans , [89] [note 16] , representing the last of the trend from Schliemann to the midth century, and Korfmann's, from Troia in Light of New Research in the early years of the 21st century, after he had had a chance to establish a new trend and new excavations.

Prior to Korfmann's excavations, the nine-layer model was considered comprehensive of all the material at Troy. Korfmann discovered that the city was not placed on virgin soil, as Schliemann had concluded.

There is no reason not to think that, in the areas he tested, Schliemann did find that Troy I was on virgin soil. He dated it BC to BC, but did not assign a name.

The current director of excavation at Troy, Rüstem Aslan, is calling it Troy 0 zero. Troy 0 has been omitted from the table below, due to the uncertainty of its general status.

Troy zero is before this date. The remains of the layer are not very substantial. Whether the layer is to be counted as part of the preceding Chalcolithic, or whether the dates of the Bronze Age are to be changed, has not been decided through the regular channel of journal articles.

One PhD Thesis complained: " For example, in Korfmann , p. Confusion is to be avoided at all costs. This new and yet unresolved material, including Troy Zero, may, however, be included in the sections and links below reporting on specific layers.

Korfmann also found that Troy IX was not the end of the settlements. Regardless of whether the city was abandoned at AD, a population was back for the Middle Ages, which, for those times, was under the Byzantine Empire.

As with Troy Zero, no conventional scholarly classification has been tested in the journals. The table below therefore omits them.

The sequence of archaeological layering at one site evidences the relative positions of the corresponding periods at that site; however, these layers often have a position relative to periods at other sites.

It is possible to define relative periods over a wide region of sites and for a larger slice of time. Determining wider correspondences is a major objective of archaeology.

The establishment of a "yardstick," or reliable sequence, such as the elusive one mentioned above, is a desirable outcome of archaeological analysis.

The table below states the broader connections under "General Period. The first city on the site was founded in the 3rd millennium BC.

During the Bronze Age , the site seems to have been a flourishing mercantile city, since its location allowed for complete control of the Dardanelles , through which every merchant ship from the Aegean Sea heading for the Black Sea had to pass.

Cities to the east of Troy were destroyed, and although Troy was not burned, the next period shows a change of culture indicating a new people had taken over Troy.

Therefore, even in the face of economic troubles, the walls remained as elaborate as before, indicating their focus on defense and protection.

Schliemann and his team unearthed a large feature he dubbed the Scaean Gate, a western gate unlike the three previously found leading to the Pergamos.

Troy VI was destroyed around BC, probably by an earthquake. Only a single arrowhead was found in this layer, and no remains of bodies.

However, the town quickly recovered and was rebuilt in a layout that was more orderly. This rebuild continued the trend of having a heavily fortified citadel to preserve the outer rim of the city in the face of earthquakes and sieges of the central city.

Troy VI can be characterized by the construction of the pillars at the south gate. There appears to be no structural use for the pillars.

The pillars have an altar-like base and an impressive magnitude. This provides some clues, and they most likely were used as a symbol for the religious cults of the city.

Although only few homes could be uncovered, this is due to reconstruction of Troy VIIa over the tops of them. Also, discovered in , in this layer of Troy VI was Mycenaean pottery.

Furthermore, there were cremation burials discovered m south of the citadel wall. This provided evidence of a small lower city south of the Hellenistic city walls.

Although the size of this city is unknown due to erosion and regular building activities, there is significant evidence that was uncovered by Blegen in during an excavation of the site.

This evidence included settlements just above bedrock and a ditch thought to be used for defense. Furthermore, the small settlement itself, south of the wall, could have also been used as an obstacle to defend the main city walls and the citadel.

The topic still under debate is whether Troy was primarily an Anatolian-oriented or Aegean-oriented metropolis.

While it is true that the city would have had a presence in the Aegean, pottery finds and architecture strongly hint at an Anatolian orientation.

Only about one percent of the pottery discovered during excavation of Troy VI was Mycenaean. The large walls and gates of the city are closely related to many other Anatolian designs.

Furthermore, the practice of cremation is Anatolian. Cremation is never seen in the Mycenaean world. Anatolian hieroglyphic writing along with bronze seals marked with Anatolian hieroglyphic Luwian were also uncovered in These seals have been seen in approximately 20 other Anatolian and Syrian cities from the time - BC.

Still, Troy VI was dominated by long distance trade. Troy VI during the height of its establishment held anywhere from 5, to 10, people.

At its time, Troy would have been a large and significant city. It acted as a middle ground for long distance trade with regions as far distant as Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf, the Baltic region, Egypt, and the western Mediterranean in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.

Earlier trade connections during the Early and Middle Bronze Ages provided Troy VI with favorable power in the long distance trade industry of the region.

The amount of objects thought to be going through Troy VI would have been quite large, obtaining metals from the east and various objects from the west including perfumes and oils.

This is known due to the findings of hundreds of shipwrecks off the Turkish coast. Found in these ships was an abundance of goods.

Some of these ships carried over 15 tons in goods. The goods discovered in these wrecks included copper ingots, tin ingots, glass ingots, bronze tools and weapons, ebony and ivory, ostrich egg shells, jewelry and large amounts of pottery from across the Mediterranean.

There have been shipwrecks discovered in the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age. Of these , 63 were discovered off the Turkish coastline.

This provides a great deal of evidence for Troy VI being a prominent trading center for the region. But, the evidence at the site of Troy itself is minimal.

Looking at the layers of Troy VI, we discover that there is little documentation of the excavation of this layer, and little documentation of the goods discovered in this layer.

We also know that there were few trading centers during the Late Bronze Age. This is due to the low volume of trade during this period.

The trading centers would have most likely been directly along trade routes. Troy is just north of most major long-distance trade routes. It may be unfair to classify Troy VI as a trading center but we do know that Troy VI was a prominent metropolis that did contribute to the trade of the region.

Troy VIIa can be highlighted by most of the population of Troy moving within the walls of the Citadel. This is most likely due to the threat from the Mycenaeans.

This would not have been uncommon. Earthquakes are common throughout the region. Troy VIIa appears to have been destroyed by war.

This was immortalized in the Iliad written by Homer. In Homer's description of the city, a section of one side of the wall is said to be weaker than the rest.

The great tower along the walls seemed likely to be the "Great Tower of Ilios". The evidence seemed to indicate that Dörpfeld had stumbled upon Ilios, the city of Homer's epics.

Schliemann himself had conceded that Troy VI was more likely to be the Homeric city, but he never published anything stating so.

The archaeologists of Troy concerned themselves mainly with prehistory ; however, not all the archaeology performed there falls into the category of prehistoric archaeology.

Historical archaeology illuminates history. In the LBA records mentioning Troy begin to appear in other cultures.

This type of evidence is termed protohistory. The literary characters and events must be classified as legendary. Prehistoric Troy is also legendary Troy.

The legends are not history or protohistory, as they are not records. It was the question of their historicity that attracted the interest of such archaeologists as Calvert and Schliemann.

After many decades of archaeology, there are still no answers. There is still a "fault line" between history or legend and archaeology.

Both Blegen and Korfmann endorse a starting date of about BC. He estimates the population at 10, Coincidentally this is the very period referenced by Egyptian and Hittite records of Troy.

They hold out some hope of a protohistorical connection. In the s, the Swiss scholar Emil Forrer proposed that the placenames Wilusa and Taruisa found in Hittite texts should be identified with Ilion and Troia, respectively.

These identifications were rejected by many scholars as being improbable or at least unprovable. Dates from the floor deposits obtained by the Uranium-thorium dating method indicate that water was flowing through the tunnels "as early as the third millenium BC;" thus the early city made sure that it had an internal water supply.

Among the documents mentioning Troy are the Tawagalawa letter CTH was found to document an unnamed Hittite king's correspondence to the king of the Ahhiyawa , referring to an earlier "Wilusa episode" involving hostility on the part of the Ahhiyawa.

The Hittite king was long held to be Mursili II c. The identifications of Wilusa with Troy and of the Ahhiyawa with Homer's Achaeans remain somewhat controversial but gained enough popularity during the s to be considered majority opinion.

From the beginning of the archaeology, the question of what language was spoken by the Trojans was prominent. Various proposals were made, but they remained pure speculation.

No evidence seemed to have survived whatever. That they might be Greek was considered. However, if they were, the question of why they were not in the Achaean domain, but were opposed to the Achaeans, was an even greater mystery.

Passages from the Iliad suggested that, not only were the Trojans not Greek, but the army defending Troy was composed of different language speakers arrayed by nationality.

Finally in the middle of the 20th century Linear B was deciphered and a large number of documentary tablets were able to be read.

The language is an early dialect of Greek, even earlier than the Homeric dialect. Many Greek words were in the early stage of formation. The digamma abounds.

Linear B tablets have been found at the major centers of the Achaean domain. None, however, come from Troy. The documents in Linear B basically inventory the assets of Mycenaean palace-states: foods, textiles, ceramics, weapons, lands, and above all manpower, especially people held in some sort of servitude.

Civilizations of the times were slave societies. The terms of servitude, however, varied widely. A study by Efkleidou in detailed the types of servitude mentioned in the Linear B tablets.

To her way of thinking, the main elements of servitude are that servants are outsiders, not part of the customary social structure, and that they are coerced into their positions.

Someone has authority over them, whom she calls a "superior," designated in Greek by the genitive case: "servant of These two categories were not badly off, being palace artisans, and receiving land for their services.

In addition were the ra-wi-ja-ja, the lawiaiai, "captives. Efkleidou uses the term "dependent. Perhaps most relevant to the times are named groups of women, the group name being an ethnic or a craft name.

One such group called just "captives" gives a hint to their class of servitude. The ethnic names show that western Anatolia and the islands off it are being favored.

Other groups are male bronzesmiths, house and ship builders. In the tablets, the coast of Anatolia is under attack by Mycenaean centers of the Achaeans , especially the center at Pylos pu-ro.

Since the tablets, which were manufactured ad hoc of fresh clay and immediately engraved with writing, only survived by being baked in the fires that destroyed the palaces , their dates depend on the those dates of destruction.

The Pylos tablets record the dispatch of a fleet of "rowers" and soldiers under a "commander" to the Gulf of Corinth , and then the palace is gone, burned in its own oil.

If pu-ro is the Homeric Pylos, then the date is after the Trojan War, as the legendary Pylos survived it intact. None of the names of the important men at these centers are anything like the names of the Homeric legends.

Presumably, the latter had all died in their time and had been replaced by men unknown to legend, but profiting from the fall of Troy.

A second possibility would be that the legends are totally imaginary, contrary to the hopes and expectations of the first archaeologists. This time between the Trojan War and the burning of the palaces fits into another historical period, the time of the Sea Peoples.

These were ethnicities from Achaea, Dardania, Etruria, Sicilia, Sardinia, and elsewhere, who, abandoning the norms of civilization, took to a life of marauding and piracy, disrupting trade, transportation, peace, and security.

They placed colonies as bases. Cities withdrew from the coast. Isolation set in. Surprisingly, Trojan names began turning up in the archives of ancient Pylos, capital of the legendary Nestor.

They were of persons kept in a servile capacity, from which the universal conclusion was that they were descended from slaves taken at Troy.

Etymological analysis by linguists revealed that they were not native Greek names, suggesting that the Trojans were not Greek.

A theory began to gain influence based on the Aeneid that the Trojans were Etruscan. During the 20th century, however, Etruscan archaeology investigated thousands of Etruscan sites over most of Italy, except for the Greek regions in south Italy and the Italic regions of central Italy.

Moreover, Etruscan inscriptions were found in at least one valley leading to a pass over the Alps. The sites dated as early as the Bronze Age.

It was soon clear that the theory of a general Etruscan migration from Troy to most of Italy was the least likely scenario.

Its advocates looked for hidden pockets of Etruscans in the backlands of Anatolia and looked for hope in some shallow genetic studies purporting to relate the inhabitants of Tuscany to the inhabitants of Turkey.

Meanwhile a greater question came to the fore. Throughout the Bronze Age the greatest power in Anatolia was the Hittites, with capital in central Anatolia.

Why were there no links to them? How could the coastal states have avoided them? Anatolian studies expanded in the late 20th century.

Those states had not avoided them, they were subject to them. Previously unknown scripts were found to be in Anatolian languages. The dominant one on the coast was Luwian.

In the Luwian range west of the Hittite capital there was no room for any Etruscans. Whatever he was, Aeneas was not Etruscan, and whatever the ancestry of the imperial family at Rome was, which knew Etruscan and was counted as Tuscan, it derived no authority from ancient Troy.

The discovery of a Luwian biconvex seal at Troy sparked heated debate over the language that was spoken in Homeric Troy.

Frank Starke of the University of Tübingen argued that the name of Priam , king of Troy at the time of the Trojan War , is related to the Luwian compound Priimuua , which means "exceptionally courageous".

The tablet was discovered in the lower city, archaeologically out of the way until now, but undoubtedly more populous and frequented than the citadel.

It is possible that the major archive site has yet to be discovered at Troy, if any survived.

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